Food experiences. The Food Design's response to our society changing needs

Food experiences. The Food Design's response to our society changing needs

548 Abstracts / Appetite 56 (2011) 516–549 Health agency in fried foodways. A qualitative investigation of fast food workers and eating attitudes CA...

59KB Sizes 3 Downloads 20 Views

548

Abstracts / Appetite 56 (2011) 516–549

Health agency in fried foodways. A qualitative investigation of fast food workers and eating attitudes CATHERINE A. WOMACK 1 , NORAH MULVANEY-DAY 2 1 Bridgewater State University, United States 2 Cambridge Health Alliance, United States E-mail address: [email protected] (C.A. Womack). Advice on healthy eating abounds in the US; current trends emphasize fresh, local, and homemade. However, these messages are counterbalanced by food systems that create barriers to health agency with respect to food—the ability to pursue one’s own concept of healthy eating. Womack and Mulvaney-Day conducted a qualitative study with college students from lower middle and working class families (n = 14) employed in fast food restaurants who experience individual and environmental-level constraints on healthy eating. The goal was to reveal the content of constraints faced by vulnerable populations that limit health agency with respect to food. Students were interviewed in-depth about eating at school and home, restaurant food policies, work relationships, and how they understood “normal eating” and being “in control” of their food intake. They provide illustrative comments and some preliminary analysis for four exemplar cases. In these cases, the “normative” eaters (who articulated some external ideals about what counts as normal eating) showed increased agency in using nutritional information and assessing employee meal policies, and appeared to navigate their fast food environments with more control. By contrast, the “descriptive” eaters (who identified normal eating as “just what everyone does,” which could be different for each person, with no reference to outside standards) failed to integrate nutritional information into food choices, showed a lack of agency in assessments of employee food policies, and appeared to be less in control of their eating behaviors at work. These distinctions will both increase an understanding of health agency in eating and help in designing interventions for regular consumers of fast food. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2010.11.274 The rotten renaissance. Aged foods and the importance of their (re)acquired taste in post-Soviet Chukotka SVETA YAMIN-PASTERNAK University of Alaska, United States E-mail address: [email protected] If Claude Levi-Strauss’s famous culinary treatise incorporated recent field data from Chukotka, Russia, his food triangles would probably include a condition to which some indigenous residents refer as “the tastily rotten.” The Yupik and Chukchi people, inhabiting the coast and tundra of Russia’s farthest northeast territory, consume a whole range of foods distinguished from those that are either raw or cooked, as well as those that are considered spoiled and unfit for human consumption. Fish buried whole in sand over multiple cycles of freezing and thawing, walrus roulette stuffed in skins, aged seal oil or reindeer blood are among the examples of recipes or ingredients that are appreciated for having been allowed to “rot” into their eventual tasty appeal. The means by which these foods are prepared today differ little from those evoked in childhood memories of the Yupik and Chukchi elders. However the place of these foods on the spectrum of taste and within the domestic realms of Chukotka Natives, over the last sixty years, has been subject to a dynamic flux. Downgraded during Sovietization by the incoming Russians and Ukrainians, intolerant not only of the smell and taste but of the core idea inherent in their preparation processes, aged foods are now a key staple in the local survival narratives told about the post-Soviet economic crisis. Drawing from local perspectives on “the tastily rotten,” Yamin-Pasternak argues that culinary knowledge and taste play an essential role in food

security, and should be examined alongside the questions of food production and procurement. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2010.11.275 The complexity of reduction. Perspectives on nourishment in the Guatemalan Highlands EMILY YATES-DOERR New York University, United States E-mail address: [email protected] Since the 1950s, Public Health Nutrition (PHN) programs in Guatemala have worked to bring “nutritional literacy” to communities that formerly viewed nourishment in non-nutritive terms. These programs, based on PHN’s longstanding desire to create “a simplified model” of nutrition and operating through a process of nutritional “black boxing” (see Latour, 1987), offer basic instruction about vitamins, minerals, proteins, carbohydrates, and fats. As a result, categories for food-groups (e.g. fruits/vegetables) and concepts such as alimento (nutrient-based nourishment) and receta (prescribed dietary recommendations) have entered Mayanlanguage lexicons. Yet though nutritional science terminology is increasingly common in popular discourse, misunderstandings and skepticism about the meaning(s) of nutrition remain widespread. Yates-Doerr, drawing from 16 months of participant-observation ethnography conducted with PHN education programs in the Guatemalan highlands, explores the polysemic character of health and nourishment. I examine moments in communicative practice where ideas about health shift as they move across domains of knowledge: a man with diabetes adds extra sugar to his coffee because he knows it is fortified with iron; a woman avoids broccoli because she thinks its vitamins will cause her to gain weight. YatesDoerr argues that Guatemala’s recent “nutrition transition” not only entails epidemiological changes–the focus of PHN–but also encompasses epistemological transitions in the meanings of food and eating. She concludes by suggesting that PHN reductionism does not create simplicity, but instead fosters complexity; incorporation of multivocal perspectives on nourishment into PHN’s presently narrow definitions of “nutrition” would increase the accessibility of its programs for the communities they serve. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2010.11.276 Food experiences. The Food Design’s response to our society changing needs FRANCESCA ZAMPOLLO London Metropolitan University, United Kingdom E-mail address: [email protected] The Food Design discipline developed as a result of society’s changing needs and approaches to food. In particular, Food Design products emphasize the shift from the concept of food as nourishment, to the concept of food as accessory, status or experience. Food is one of the main factor that has defined differences between societies in time and space. In fact what people choose to eat depend on cultural, religious and personal aspects. Everyday food choices reflect political and economical views, and personal culture; less ordinary food choices reveal aspects of status, personality, interests and desires. The former food choices are made regularly and almost unconsciously; the latter are occasional, usually deriving from a special occasion. As a result of this process, today people look for food experiences more than for food to merely satisfy their hunger. People are becoming more and more demanding about their food. Quality, origin and freshness, as well as diversion, novelty and entertainment are the desirable characteristics that determine food choice. More and more often people do not only want to have a meal, but instead, they want to be surprised and have the meal incorporate all of the senses in ways that are exceptional, extravagant, unusual and entertaining. Chefs and designers, even though

Abstracts / Appetite 56 (2011) 516–549

using different tools and methods, both aim to design unforgettable food experiences for customers and consumers. Chef Heston Blumenthal (in particular with the dinners designed for the TV show “Heston’s Feasts”) and the Food Design® Competition organized by Studio OneOff (Turin, Italy) are considered the cradle of some of the best example of food experiences ever designed. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2010.11.277 “I Want, I Need, I Have to Have You.” Why does the return of the Camellia Grill matter in post-Katrina New Orleans? QIAOYUN ZHANG Southern Illinois University Carbondale, United States E-mail address: [email protected] Zhang explores significance of the post-Katrina reopening of the Camellia Grill, a neighborhood restaurant in New Orleans, Louisiana. Many local New Orleanians and tourists, disappointed by the closure of this landmark counter-style diner after Hurricane Katrina in 2005, waged a “love notes” campaign for its return by posting hundreds of affectionate begging notes on its front door. Since the Camellia Grill’s reopening in 2007, patrons from all walks of life have packed into it for those seeking familiar foods and entertaining waiters. Even some of those who never liked the diner welcomed its return. The author demonstrates the historically contingent and culturally specific processes that uphold the Camellia Grill, among other historic eateries in New Orleans, as a symbolic point of reference for restoring and rebuilding cultural identities of the city and its people. Analyzing different perceptions of the Camellia Grill and its reopening reveals the heterogeneousness of New Orleanian constructions of identity and tradition, resulting from their divergent ethnic and class status and place-making practices. Investigating the Camellia Grill in a post-disaster recovery scenario not only studies the diner as a nexus of identity, nostalgia, and power, but also attends to specific cultural forms and daily practices which shape and reshape people’s different ways of thinking and being in the place and culture to which they call home. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2010.11.278

549

Indirect effects of regional development on diet. Redefining food among the Tsimané ARIELA ZYCHERMAN Teachers College, Columbia University, United States E-mail address: [email protected] In the Bolivian Amazon, the traditional Tsimané Indian diet is primarily made up of agricultural crops produced through subsistence farming. In addition to their nutritional importance, these crops play an important cultural role in Tsimané daily life. Social relationships between households are maintained through the cultivation of agricultural crops, and the communal production and consumption of chicha (local beer) uses these crops as primary ingredients. Historically, to accrue cash to participate in the local market economy, the Tsimané sell a portion of these crops. However, regional development, including the recent and unprecedented introduction of electricity, has amplified these transactions leading to more frequent Tsimané purchases of electric powered devices and other commodities encountered in the market place. Currently, the four staple food crops, manioc, maize, plantains and rice are not only the crops most often consumed but also the most profitable. As a result, the Tsimané are re-considering the economic, nutritional and cultural significance of particular foodstuffs, subsequently deciding what to plant, what to sell and what to eat. Included in these decisions is how time is allocated to food and cash producing activities, impacting the frequency of including hunted and gathered foods and purchased foods in the diet. As the Tsimané anticipate and plan their upcoming agricultural cycle, they are negotiating tradition and modernity and redefining their diet and its components. Zycherman explores: (1) how diet is impacted by regional development, asking what foods are consumed more often and which less often as electricity enters the household and (2) the duality of particular crops as both economically and traditionally important, asking, how do the Tsimané assess the multiple values of the foods they eat? doi:10.1016/j.appet.2010.11.279